The Palestinian state Edit


The Palestinian state is a dream of millions of palestinians all over the world in the first place, but also a dream of other billions of muslims in all known countries of the modern political map. The sad story of palestine began early in the first pages of the known documented history. It is a mix of religous, political and economic power fight to gain control over a region of blessed land with all its holiness and attractivness to the human race.

Israel & Palestine Edit

Einstein, their distinguished predecessor, expressed grave doubts about political Zionism. A letter he signed, published in the New York Times in December 1948, warned against the emergence in Israel of (the future prime minister) Menachem Begin's "Freedom party". It cited Deir Yassin, where Begin and friends, eight months earlier, had killed 240 men, women and children and "were proud of this massacre". "This," the letter goes on, "is the unmistakable stamp of a fascist party for whom terrorism ... and misrepresentation are means, and a 'leader state' is the goal." Professors Aumann and Ciechanover might consider what Einstein would have made of the scenes in Beit Hanoun and Beit Lahiye over the last several weeks. . .

The secret rotting at the core of the state of Israel is its refusal to admit that the Zionist project in Palestine - to create a state based on the dispossession of the non-Jewish inhabitants of the land - was never noble: the land it coveted was the home of another people, and the fathers of the Israeli nation killed, terrorized and displaced them to turn the project into actuality. But the Palestinian nation lives on - visibly and noisily and everywhere. To make its own denial stick, Israel has to deny and suppress Palestinian history. To impose its design on Palestine, it has to somehow make the Palestinians disappear. . .

Israel will not be well until it acknowledges its past and makes amends for it. The process has a name: truth and reconciliation. Israelis cannot remain within the Zionist framework and profit from it and think of themselves as good citizens of the world. Many thoughtful and brave Israelis have made a choice. Some have left Israel, others remain. Practically all have made it their life's mission to expose how Zionism really works - and what it costs. . .

But, perhaps because the stakes are now so high, people are once again speaking of the visionary solution: the secular democratic state, a homeland for both Israelis and Palestinians. The Palestinian social scientist Ali Abunimah and the Israeli historian Ilan Pappe's recent books are the latest to make the case for this. They find hope, as Pappe puts it, in "those sections of Jewish society in Israel that have chosen to let themselves be shaped by human considerations rather than Zionist social engineering" and in "the majority of the Palestinians who have refused to let themselves be dehumanized by decades of brutal Israeli occupation and who, despite years of expulsion and oppression, still hope for reconciliation".


Q: In your book, you argue that "because of powerful political, economic, and religious forces in the United States, Israeli government decisions are rarely questioned or condemned." Can you explain that more fully?

A: I've been all over the Holy Land, I'll call it, just for kind of a short-hand description, since the 1970s ­ the last 30 or 40 years ­ from Lebanon down to the Sinai, and I've been up into the Golan Heights three times, and I've conducted three elections there ­ and I've seen the coverage given to Israel's activities in Europe and in Israel itself . . . There is no such debate in the United States. There's not any debate in the Congress, there's not any debate in the White House, at least since George Bush Sr. and I were there, and in the news media of the United States, there is very rarely any editorial comment that would criticize some of the practices of Israel which I consider to be deplorable ­ and that is the persecution of the Palestinians, and the occupation and confiscation and the colonization of Palestinian land. So there's no open debate in this country if it involves any criticism of the policies of the Israeli government, even though many people in Israel debate and condemn some of the policies of the right wing governments under Sharon and Netanyahu and others.

Q: Lately there has been a lot of discussion about the role of the 'Israel lobby.' Can you say a little bit about how that impacted you as president? Has it changed over time?. . . .

Q: In response to Republican claims that the Democratic party is weakening in its support for Israel, Democratic leaders - most prominently Nancy Pelosi and Howard Dean - have recently issues statements saying that you do not represent the Democratic Party on Israel. What is your response?

A: They are right. I don't speak for the Democratic Party, in fact, I don't think anybody speaks for the Democratic Party, including Howard Dean or Bill Clinton or Nancy Pelosi. The Democratic Party is an umbrella under which multiple voices exist. I would just refer to my own record as a president ­ I was the one who negotiated a peace agreement between Israel and Egypt, not a word of which has ever been violated, and I worked throughout the entire four years to bring peace to Israel within its own borders. I don't have to explain my credentials in terms of bringing peace to Israel. . .

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